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Five Years Later: The Legacy of September 11, 2001

U.S. Ambassador Susan McCaw

Rotary Club Wels
September 11, 2006

Ambassador Susan McCaw

Herr Bürgermeister Wimmer, Herr Dr. Heinzl, Rotarians, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen.

Thank you very much for inviting me to be with you this evening. And I'm very pleased to be with you in this beautiful cloister, with more than 700 years of history. It is truly one of Austria's architectural and historical treasures.

September 11 will always be a point of reference in the United States. Just as Americans of a certain age remember where they were on November 22, 1963, when President John F. Kennedy was assassinated, September 11, 2001 is indelibly etched in our minds and in our hearts.

September 11 showed how a single event can change the course of history. Part of my message this evening is to help you understand the significance of that event to Americans.

Ambassador McCaw talks with Wels Rotary Club President Dr. Hans-Peter Heinzl (left) and Deputy Mayor Wimmer

It is hard to overstate the impact it had. I think President Bush said it best when he was in Vienna a few months ago. He said, "To Europeans, September 11 was a tragic moment. To Americans, it was a change of psyche."

The moment resonates not only because of the tragic and senseless loss of thousands of innocent lives, or the horrifying, lingering images of smoke and destruction. We also recall it so vividly because we could literally feel the course of our nation changing. On this date, five years ago, the world, and America's role in it, altered dramatically.

As former Austrian President Klestil said, on the first anniversary of the September 11 attacks, this was aggression directed not just against the United States alone, but against the whole world.

Ambassador McCaw signs the guest book in the City of Wels as Deputy Mayor Wimmer looks on

And we continue to feel the effects today. The events of September 11 forced Americans to take a good, hard look at ourselves and the world we live in.

It came as a surprise to many of us that we were not invulnerable. We might have been aware that some of our policies were unpopular. We might have known that some resented our place in the world, or the influence of American popular culture.

But very few of us realized there were people who believed in a cause so violently and so passionately that they were willing to commit murder, and suicide, on a scale and of an intensity such as we had never before experienced.

Audience

There were several immediate effects:

We began to examine our immigration policies. For two centuries, our traditional attitude of an open door to almost everyone who wanted to come had been a source of pride, and won us good will. On September 11, we learned that it wouldn't protect us from those who would do us harm. We had to find a way to welcome our friends, while making our borders secure.
Those who wanted to hurt us were well organized and well financed. To protect our citizens, we needed to disrupt their organizations and those that feed them.
We realized we had been complacent. Terrorists were using the openness of our political, social and economic systems - in other words, the democracy they were trying to destroy - for their deadly purposes. How should we combat that without compromising our ideals and values?
Perhaps most importantly, we began to ask ourselves why. What caused the attacks on September 11, and what did we have to change, to prevent another tragedy in the future?

Ambassador McCaw answers a question from the audience. At right, Dr. Heinzl

Austrians are no strangers to tragedy, of course. And I know you shared our sorrow and fears in the aftermath of those searing events five years ago. There was a spontaneous and heartfelt outpouring of sympathy in support after the attacks. There were flowers and donations of money to relief organizations. Although no Austrians were killed in those attacks, people here wanted to help on a personal as well as an official level.

My remarks tonight are not intended to revive those days of uncertainty, confusion and, yes, anger. Rather, I am recalling that time in order to offer some context to help explain where the past five years have taken us.

There is much misunderstanding of America's mood today. I have heard the United States portrayed as militaristic, intolerant, and isolated. It's been said we are too quick to blame others and unwilling to accept our own responsibilities.

Let me offer some ideas to explain why these impressions are mistaken.

I mentioned that we examined our immigration policies. And, we have made major changes. We are using the latest biometric technology to help ensure that our borders remain open to legitimate travelers but closed to terrorists.

Audience

We are exploring other ways to use technology for an even greater transformation of the visa process: The State Department will soon introduce an online application process, and explore the use of digital videoconferencing as a visa interview tool.

But the effect of these changes has not been to shut America off from the rest of the world. Our investment in personnel and in technology allows qualified students, educators, business travelers and tourists to travel without unnecessary delays. For 97 percent of qualified applicants, including students, academics, businesspeople and tourists, visas are processed within two days of the interview. I am particularly pleased that we have taken steps to reduce the pressure on students. Those wishing to study in the U.S. now have more time to apply for a visa. This is intended to ensure that each qualified student has a visa in hand in time for the start of his or her academic program.

And the evidence is that, after a period of post-September 11 misperceptions about visa and border security changes, the traveling public has received the message. Our Department of Commerce reports that international visits increased 7 percent from 2004-2005 (to 49.9 million visitors), following a 12 percent increase from 2003 to 2004.

Visitor visa issuance rose 12 percent in 2005. The number of student visas issued rose 8.7 percent from 2004. More importantly, the number of applications received last year increased 7 percent after declining each of the previous three years. And in the first half of this year, both applications and issuances rose more than 20 percent compared to the same period last year.

In Vienna, I am very happy to say, after a decline five years ago, visa applications are now back to pre-September 11 levels, and travel from Austria to the U.S. doesn't appear to have decreased.

In short, we have not forgotten that America is a nation of nations.

Ambassador McCaw speaking

I also spoke a moment ago about the need to break up terror organizations and stop their financing.

Today, money flows rapidly and in huge quantities across borders. That is essential to our globalized economy, of course. But terrorists have been able to take advantage of that freedom for their own purposes.

Since September 11, we have established an international coalition of more than 80 countries, cooperating to share intelligence, put pressure on terrorists' bank accounts, and make it harder for terrorists to recruit and retain people, communicate with each other, or move between countries.

In the past five years, we have designated 400 individuals and organizations as having links to terrorism. We have frozen $150 million in terrorist assets, and blocked or seized millions of dollars more in transit or at the borders. Just last Friday, the US Treasury Department announced it would no longer permit Iran's Bank Saderat to use American banks for any financial transactions. Bank Saderat was being used to transfer money to terrorist organizations, including Hizballah, Hamas, and Palestinian Islamic Jihad.

The Terrorist Finance Tracking Program was developed to track and pursue suspected terrorists. It has identified terrorists and their financiers, charted terrorist networks, helped bring them to justice, and saved lives.

This has required substantial international coordination, as you can imagine - both to make the program as effective as possible and to guarantee that international legal safeguards are protected. I should mention that the European Central Bank has been an important partner in this effort.

Immediately after September 11, 2001, Austria identified terrorism and its financing as separate criminal offenses, and strengthened the right of the judicial system to identify, freeze and seize terrorist financial assets. Austria has taken steps to prevent the misuse of charitable or non-profit organizations as conduits for terrorist financing.

There is more Austria can do - for example, in the area of banking transparency. There's more that we all can do. But Austria has shown a willingness to cooperate to combat terrorism, and the United States is pleased to work with you.

One of the difficult questions, of course, is how to ensure that legitimate financial entities can continue to operate freely and smoothly. This leads to the third subject I mentioned earlier: How do we make sure that fundamental citizens' rights are protected as we seek to eradicate the worldwide terror threat?

The United States is a nation of laws and of deep, abiding respect for human rights. Our nation was founded on those principles, and it remains as true today as it was 230 years ago when we laid the cornerstone of our democracy.

The struggle against terror has raised unfamiliar issues. As President Bush, Secretary Rice, and others have noted, we are in a new kind of conflict. While the traditional rules and procedures of criminal justice are vital, they are not always sufficient to deal with this new type of enemy.

For example, much has been said about the Geneva Conventions. There is no question that they apply to soldiers on the battlefield.

But, do they also apply to terrorists whose sole purpose is to kill innocent men, women and children? Where innocent people are not unfortunate collateral damage, but the very target of their activities?

The onset of international terrorism has taken us into unknown areas, where legal precedents are not well established. A government's first obligation, of course, is to protect the safety and well-being of its citizens.

Nevertheless, the President has made it clear that the United States will treat suspected terrorists within the provisions of the Geneva Conventions to the extent that military necessity will allow. He stated clearly that we will not torture prisoners, nor will we knowingly allow them to be sent to places where we believe there is a good chance they would be tortured. In short, we will live up to our international obligations.

Last Wednesday, President Bush announced a major new initiative, clarifying his Administration's policy on detention. The part of the initiative that received most of the media headlines was his announcement that 14 suspected terrorists have been moved from CIA custody in secret locations.

That is an important development of course, and it should also be noted that the International Committee of the Red Cross will have access to these detainees - who are believed to have been responsible for the September 11 attacks and other terrorist acts.

But in focusing on that aspect of the President's announcement, the media tended to overlook other important and far-reaching aspects.

For example, the initiative clarifies the standards for questioning of captured terrorists, so that we can lawfully obtain the information we need from terrorists. It also authorizes the creation of military commissions as an effective and fair means to bring terrorists to justice.

The President noted he will continue to work with members of the international community who have been our partners in this struggle. His objective is to develop a durable and effective framework for the detention and interrogation of those captured during this conflict.

As I said, however, defeating terrorism requires us to deal with a new kind of enemy. It is an enemy without a state; an enemy that does not fit neatly into the international legal structures we are used to working with.

The debate over the US detention center at Guantanamo Bay is a good example of the uncertainty we face. We are well aware of the concerns that have been raised in Europe and around the world about Guantanamo. Many people want to see it closed. And President Bush is one of them. He does not want to keep Guantanamo open any longer than necessary - he made that point emphatically when he was in Vienna last June. America does not want to be the world's jailer.

In fact, the detainee population at Guantanamo has decreased by more than 40 percent in recent months. 315 detainees have been released or sent to other countries. And of the approximately 455 still detained at Guantanamo, 120 may soon be eligible for release or transfer, following final review of their cases. The question that remains, however, is: What is the alternative?

Interrogations have already yielded vital intelligence that we have shared with our allies, and stopped numerous plots, including in Karachi, London, and the United States. There is evidence that many of those still detained there are trained in terrorist techniques, in bomb making, in the manufacture of chemical weapons. Releasing them into the general population is out of the question.

As I said, we are in uncharted territory in the fight against terrorism. We are making progress and we will find the answers, but it will take international cooperation and understanding.

The fourth question we began to ask ourselves after September 11 is, "why did this happen, and what can we do to ensure it doesn't happen again?"

The broad answer is this: The security of our citizens - Americans, Europeans, all of us -- is inextricably linked to the success of freedom and moderation and democracy in the Middle East. As President Bush recently said, the struggle against terrorism is "the decisive ideological struggle of the 21st Century." And, a vision of hope is the best weapon against the ideology of extremism.

With media attention focused on Lebanon and the fragile ceasefire there, it may be difficult to remember that there has been remarkable progress in the Middle East in the last five years.

Consider that, throughout that region, there are debates going on about democracy and social and economic reform. The U.S. urged Saudi Arabia to widen political participation and increase protections for religious minorities and women. The Saudis agreed to join us in a dialogue to address issues such as respect for religion and political, social and educational reforms. And, Saudi Arabia has already taken steps to widen political participation through municipal council elections.

We were also pleased to see that King Abdullah Al-Hussein of Jordan has called for increased religious tolerance and respect for religious minorities.

In the last five years, the United States has concluded Free Trade agreements with Bahrain, Morocco, Oman, and Jordan, and we are in the process of negotiating one with the United Arab Emirates. Signs are encouraging that we will complete a regional Free Trade Agreement with the entire Middle East region within the next seven years.

These agreements will help bring prosperity to the Middle East. But they are about more than commerce. They also commit the signatories to abide by the rule of law, and guarantee openness and transparency in the conduct of business and governmental affairs - vital components of democracy.

Two years ago, Kuwait formally aligned itself with the United States as a "Major non-NATO Ally," a courageous statement and an unmistakable commitment of support for democracy.

After years of tyranny, Iraqis and Afghanis, despite threats and violence, voted by the millions in democratic elections. And don't forget, hundreds of thousands of Lebanese stood up to call for the Syrian occupation of their country to end, and for the beginning of a democratic future.

These aren't the kind of stories that make headlines. They don't produce dramatic pictures or lend themselves to easy description and analysis. But they are nonetheless vitally important to the future of the Middle East. And as we have learned, they are vitally important to the rest of us, too.

It took us a long time to realize the power of freedom. Remember, there wasn't much discussion of freedom in the Middle East before September 11, 2001, or before Al Qaeda blew up the American embassies in Kenya and Tanzania in the 1990s. Or, for that matter, before Hezbollah killed hundreds of Americans in Beirut, and before Islamic radicals took Americans hostage in Iran, in the 1980s.

There is some skepticism about what President Bush calls the "Freedom Agenda." But history is clear: The Freedom Agenda did not create the terrorists or their ideology. However, the Freedom Agenda can help defeat them both. Clearly the path ahead is not smooth. There have been and will be setbacks.

Recent events are chilling reminders that we are still living with the threat of terrorists. And they remind us too that this is not a threat that affects the United States alone. The arrests one month ago of the individuals in Great Britain who were plotting to destroy trans-Atlantic passenger aircraft disrupted a plan that could have led to death on a massive scale.

More recently, German police arrested two persons who are believed to have planned to blow up passenger trains in that country.
And just last week, police in Denmark arrested a number of persons suspected of planning to carry out acts of terror there.

The implications of these two recent cases are frightening indeed. But there is also some good news to be found in them: First, outstanding work by police and investigators in those countries demonstrated that authorities have become aware of, and alert to, the signs of impending terrorist activity, and are prepared to act.

Second, in at least two of these cases the national police had the cooperation of law enforcement authorities in other countries that were integral to their ability to move swiftly to disrupt the terrorists' plans before they could be carried out.

We continue to work to make our world safer. We are more vigilant. Governments are cooperating with each other and coordinating their plans.

Exactly five years ago tonight, September 11, 2001, President Bush addressed America. He said, "A great people has been moved to defend a great nation. Terrorist attacks can shake the foundations of our biggest buildings, but they cannot touch the foundation of America." He called the United States a "beacon for freedom and opportunity in the world" that no one "can keep from shining." He thanked the many leaders of the world who had expressed their condolences and offered their help.

That night he said, "America and our friends and allies join with all those who want peace and security in the world.This is a day when all Americans from every walk of life unite in our resolve for justice and peace.None of us will ever forget this day. Yet, we go forward to defend freedom and all that is good and just in our world." That remains our objective today, five years later.

Today, as we Americans look back on September 11, 2001, we also look forward. We seek to work in a spirit of partnership with people and nations across the world to foster a climate of hope and opportunity.

We are far from perfect. We recognize that the international community has not always agreed with U.S. positions in the war on terror. Yet, we believe the ideals of freedom and justice that guide us are true for people everywhere.

We want to work in partnership with nations throughout the world in ways that will result in greater peace and prosperity, and a better life for people everywhere. And we renew our commitment to America's fundamental conviction: That all people are equal, and equally deserving of justice, respect, opportunity and dignity.

Thank you.

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